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The same inversion applies to the relationship between researcher and researched. Child researchers are not for the most part children. Child research is mainly done by adults, although they were once children and they are shaped by their experiences of childhood. There are exceptions of course. Children and young people are increasingly being drawn into research as more active participants in research and as advisory groups to research. They may play an active part in defining research questions and design, carrying out fieldwork, and analysing and interpreting data Kirkby and Woodhead Endorsing the shift towards children playing a more powerful role in every area of social life including research is an important goal for Childhood Studies.

But Childhood Studies will inevitably continue to be carried out mainly by adults with, about and on behalf of children and their childhoods. My tentative conclusion is that Childhood Studies is best not promoted as a new discipline or subdiscipline. I fear that could lead to the creation of boundaries that are far too narrow to gain credibility within the wider academic community and far too specific to encompass the issues and concerns surrounding childhoods in the twenty-first century.

Or, to change the metaphor, Childhood Studies can be represented as the hub of a wheel that is held in place by the tension of multiple radiating spokes of enquiry. Children and young people are the hub, reflecting the core interest in their experiences, status, rights and well-being. Further reading Woodhead, M.

Some say childhood used to be more painful and cruel; others claim the reverse.

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Some argue that all children are essentially the same in the way they develop and that therefore childhoods do not differ in basic ways, while others contend that childhood is always socially and historically constructed. The very notion of a history of childhood, as with the concept of childhood itself, can be, and often is, contested. Approaches to studying the history of childhood vary quite considerably, but generally fall into three broad categories: Increasingly, however, and particularly with the development and influ- ence of postmodernist theory, some historians have become interested in what children and childhood have meant to adults, how those attitudes changed and developed, and ways in which they can be analysed, particularly drawing on representations of childhood over time.

It is this aspect I want to focus on primarily here, while at the same time acknowledging that all the categories outlined above are to a great extent interrelated in any discussion. First, however, it is necessary to consider what exactly is meant by childhood. Because each and every one of us has been a child, we all believe we know what childhood is — or was. Yet as adults, it is always something past and lost, invari- ably filtered through memory.

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Memories of our own childhoods inform our ideas about who we think we are, who we think we were, and what we believe childhood should be for others. Yet memory is a slippery fish and operates often simultaneously at different levels, arguably being reconstructed over time. Early memories can be affected by later images, narratives and experi- ences. Some seem clear, rational and conscious, while others lurk largely unacknowledged at an unconscious level. The trickeries of memory, of course, can be manipulated by those who do not want children to remember abusive acts.

How can the truth and rationality of a memory ever be decided, and by whom? Furthermore, there are dis- courses within our culture that define what childhood should be, and these may be as influential in forming our ideas of an image as our own memories. While we like to think of ourselves as logical and rational beings who behave consistently and coherently, more and more it is accepted that we are frag- mented, contradictory and complex beings.

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As a result, what we would like to think of as clear and rational ideas of what childhood is, and was, is arguably a tangled web of ideas, often illusory, which disguise much more complex meanings. It could be said that childhood, rather than a real and material state of being, is more an adult construction that, while apparently simple, in fact disguises a multitude of contradictory memories, desires and myths: Childhood, the invention of adults, reflects adult needs and adult fears quite as much as it signifies the absence of adulthood. In the course of history children have been glorified, patronised, ignored, or held in contempt, depending upon the cultural assumptions of adults.

Surely, it is a fact that a baby is a biological reality, an embodied being that is entirely physiological?

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Indeed, a baby is a material and biological reality. Yet at the same time, every baby born is born into a social world, a linguistic world, a gendered world, an adult world full of discourse, with complex and contradictory meanings. The helpless and totally dependent human infant, without control or language, is given mean- ing by adults from the first minute its parent s start to interact with it in the context of a wider culture.

How that status is conceived — by adults — varies and changes: The state of being a child is transi- tory and how long it lasts is culturally and historically variable; in Western countries a child may become economically active now at the age of 15 or 16, while in the past, and in some Third World countries still today, children as young as 5 or 6 go out to work.

In the UK a child may drink alcohol at home from the age of 5, but not in a public house until the age of The age of criminal responsibility was 7 in the UK before ; now it stands at only 10, while in Spain it is This means that in the UK a child of 10 can be treated as an adult in the legal system, while still treated as a child in almost every other aspect of its life. In part, such confusions stemmed from the fact that such terms also denoted status or function. Childhood, however, focuses more on the general state of being a child, does not refer to an individual child and suggests the existence of a distinct, separate and fundamentally different social group or category.

It only has meaning in the context of a binary rela- tionship with adulthood and implicit in it is the idea that it is universal. Yet the very idea of childhood has not always been there, and has changed over time, just as definitions of it, and when it ends, vary between different cultures. For boys in most Western countries, for instance, beginning work full time was usually a mark of transition into adulthood, while for girls it has usually been marriage or childbirth that marked the transition, regardless of the age at which they married.

Only in recent years has this begun to change. Childhood, therefore, is arguably a construction, a fiction interwoven with personal memories: It hides power relationships and inequality. All history is arguably a reconstruction from what little remains of frag- mentary sources over the ragged course of time: Whole cultures are wiped out by invaders and colonizers who for political reasons will often choose to destroy and ignore their predecessors, to deliberately help them become lost to time. There may be detailed and rich records for royalty and the aristocracy at certain times, but little or nothing to give accounts of those who worked for them or lived nearby, toiling hard to survive.

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A good historian looks for silences and gaps as much as for that which is stated and recorded. Records exist in places for school attendance and have often been used to make sweeping generalizations about childhood, but at a time when only boys went to school, what do they tell us of girls? Some sermons from centuries past survive in which preachers pontificate about how children should be brought up — but do parents in real life follow the words of preachers verbatim?

How can we possibly know? He argued that attitudes to children have changed over time, and with these changing attitudes a new concept developed: He claimed that in the Middle Ages children mixed freely with adults, and although adults were not indifferent to children, they were less concerned with their development and well-being than has been, arguably, the case in modern European society. In mediaeval society the idea of childhood did not exist; this is not to suggest that children were neglected, forsaken or despised.

The idea of childhood is not to be confused with affection for children: In mediaeval society, this awareness was lacking. The idea of representation is basically that images cannot be accepted as true reflections of their sources, but are always reconstructed in such a way that they are separate from, distinct from, and other than, those sources.

Most importantly, as Chaplin Paintings of Jesus were part and parcel of Western values and beliefs and this in turn informed and affected patterns of interaction and behaviour in the wider social and political world.

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Images are immensely powerful and more easily recalled than words, but it is important to remember that they are material products which have been constructed by invisible others for a specific purpose. According to Kappeler representations: Somebody is making them, and somebody is looking at them. They have a con- tinued existence in reality as objects of exchange; they have a genesis in material production.

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Images — representation — are a very powerful means of communication, and a particular kind of communi- cation. Images do not convey empirical information in the way that words in a text can, and often do. Seeing a picture of a small child, for example, may evoke feelings of empathy or vulnerability, stir unconscious memories of fear or anxiety, or suggest ideals of innocence and a wish to protect. If that child is also designated as representing Jesus, a whole extra body of messages and assumptions imbues it.

None of these, however, is necessarily explicit to the viewer. Charles Peirce put forward a theory that outlined the importance of visual art as a form of communication, and in this he proposed a typology of signs: The indexical sign has a concrete, actual relationship to the signifier — usually of a sequential, causal kind — in the sense that smoke is an index of fire.

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The symbolic sign signifies by virtue of a contract or rule. It therefore requires the active presence of the interpretant to make the signifying connection. In this triad, the iconic, indexical and the symbolic signs are not mutually exclusive. Rather, they are three modes of a relationship between signifier and object. It may symbolise upper-class afflu- ence and dinner parties a large, well-polished, ornately carved table or it may symbolise poverty and toil in the kitchen a small, plain, rickety, scratched table.

Colour often signifies symbolically. Children, he maintained, when and if they were represented in art, were painted as little adults. Yet from the late Middle Ages children did begin to be differentiated from adults in paintings. In Western art they became an important subject for representation alone as well as in family portraiture.

Paintings are usually commissioned by a particular person for a particular purpose. If the painter wants to be paid usually indisputable , he or she needs to produce work that pleases the patron. During the Middle Ages, paintings were overwhelmingly created for churches and religious purposes; they illustrated religious themes and drew heavily on sym- bolism.

They were not concerned with representing a reality of the material world and certainly had no interest in portraying everyday life and ordinary concerns.

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Any children who were represented in medieval icono- graphy were almost invariably in the context of religious teaching and beliefs; they did not purport to stand for any embodied child, but were used as a symbol of the soul, or to represent the idea of a holy childhood: The touching idea of childhood remained limited to the Infant Jesus until the fourteenth century, when. Italian art was to help to spread and develop it. At this time the theme of a Holy childhood developed and spread. It became more profane.